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Apache ( ; French: Ã, [a.pa?] ) is a culturally related Native American group in the Southwest United States, which includes Chiricahua, Jicarilla, Centipede, Mescalero, Salinero, Plains and Western Apache. The distant cousin of Apache is the Navajo, with whom they share the Southern Athabaskan language. There is an Apache community in Oklahoma, Texas, and reservations in Arizona and New Mexico. The Apache people have moved across the United States and elsewhere, including urban centers. Apache countries are politically autonomous, speak several different languages ​​and have different cultures.

Historically, the Apache plateau consists of high mountains, sheltered and watery valleys, deep gorges, deserts, and the Great Southern Plains, including areas in what is now East Arizona, Northern Mexico (Sonora and Chihuahua), New Mexico, West Texas, and Southern Colorado. These areas are collectively known as Apacheria. Apache tribes against the Spaniards and Mexicans who attacked for centuries. The first Apache attack on Sonora seems to have occurred during the late 17th century. In the 19th century confrontation during the American-Indian war, the US Army found Apache as a fierce warrior and skilled strategist.


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Contemporary Apache

The following Apache tribes are recognized federally:

  • Apache tribe from Oklahoma
  • Fort Sill Apache Tribe from Oklahoma
  • Country Jicarilla Apache, New Mexico
  • Mescalero Apache from Mescalero Reservation, New Mexico
  • The San Carlos Apache of San Carlos Reservation, Arizona
  • Apache Tonto from Arizona
  • The White Apache of Apache, Arizona
  • Yavapai-Apache Nation from Camp Verde Indian Reservation, Arizona

Jicarilla is headquartered in Dulce, New Mexico, while Mescalero is based in Mescalero, New Mexico. Apache West, located in Arizona, is divided into several reservations, which bypass the cultural division. Western Apache Reservations include Fort Apache Indian Reservation, Indian Apache San Carlos Reservation, Yavapai-Apache Nation, and Tonto-Apache Reservation.

Chiricahua was divided into two groups after they were released from prisoners of war. The majority moved to Mescalero Reservation and form, with Mescalero's larger political group, Mescalero Apache Tribe from Mescalero Apache Reservation, along with the Apache Lipan. Other Chiricahua are listed at Fort Sill Apache Tribe of Oklahoma, headquartered in Apache, Oklahoma.

The Apache Plains is located in Oklahoma, headquartered around Anadarko, and is federally recognized as the Apache Tribe of Oklahoma.

Maps Apache



Name

People known today as Apache were first met by Conquistadors of the Spanish Crown, and thus the term Apache has its roots in Spanish. The Spaniards first used the term "Apachu de Nabajo" (Navajo) in the 1620s, referring to people in the Chama region east of the San Juan River. In the 1640s, they applied the term to Athabaskan people from the south of Chama in the east to San Juan in the west. Its origin is uncertain and disappears from Spanish history.

The modern Apache people today, and the US government, retain the use of the Spanish term to describe themselves and tribal functions. The indigenous lineage that also speaks the language that is inherited to them will also refer to themselves and their people in the linguistic terms Inde meaning "person" and/or "Person". The distant cousins ​​and Apache subgroups, generally, are Navajo Peoples who in their own language call themselves as DinÃÆ'Â © .

The first written record known in Spanish was by Juan de OÃÆ' Â ± fed in 1598. The most widely accepted theories of origin show Apache borrowed and transliterated from the word Zuni ? AÃ, Â · pa? U meaning "Navajos" (plural of pa? U "Navajo").

Another theory shows the term comes from Yavapai ? Pa ?? which means "enemy". The sources of Zuni and Yavapai are less certain because OÃÆ' Â ± eat uses the term before he meets Zuni or Yavapai. The origin is less likely to come from the Spanish mapache , which means "raccoon".

The fame of toughness and tribal war skills, probably supported by a tenth novel, is widely known among Europeans. At the beginning of the twentieth-century Parisians, Apache was adopted into French, basically meaning villain.

The term Apachean includes the associated Navajo person.

Difficulty in naming

Many of the Apache group historical names recorded by non-Apache are difficult to match with their modern tribes or subgroups. For centuries, many Spanish-speaking, French, and English-speaking authors did not distinguish between Apache and other non-Apache semi-nomadic peoples who might pass through the same area. Most commonly, the Europeans learned to identify the tribes by translating their exonim, another group what the Europeans first encountered called the Apache tribe. Europeans often do not learn what people call themselves, their autonim.

While anthropologists agree on some of the traditional large groupings of Apache, they often use different criteria to name better divisions, and this does not always fit into modern Apache groupings. Some experts do not consider the group living in what is now Mexico to be Apache. In addition, an Apache individual has different identification ways with groups, such as bands or clans, as well as larger language tribes or groupings, which can add difficulties to outsiders who understand the differences.

In 1900, the US government classified members of the Apache tribe in the United States as Pinal Coyotero, Jicarilla, Mescalero, San Carlos, Tonto, and White Mountain Apache. Different groups are located in Arizona, New Mexico, and Oklahoma.

In the 1930s, anthropologist Grenville Goodwin classified Apache West into five groups (based on the views of its informants on dialects and cultural differences): White Mountain, Cibecue, San Carlos, North Tonto, and South Tonto. Since then, another anthropologist (eg Albert Schroeder) considers the classification of Goodwin inconsistent with the pre-reservations culture division. Willem de Reuse finds linguistic evidence supporting only three main groups: White Mountain, San Carlos, and Dilzhe'e (Tonto). He believes that San Carlos is the most distinct dialect, and that Dilzhe'e is a remnant, a continuing member of the continuum of dialects that previously stretched from Western Apache to Navajo.

John Upton Terrell grouped Apache into the western and eastern groups. In the western group, it includes Toboso, Cholome, Jocome, Sibolo or Cibola, Pelone, Manso, and Kiva or Kofa. He included Chicame (an earlier term for Chicano Hispanic or New Mexicans from Spanish/Hispanic and Apache descent) among them as having an Apache connection or a specific name associated with Spanish Apache.

In a detailed study of the records of the New Mexico Catholic Church, David M. Brugge identified 15 ethnic names used by the Spanish to refer to Apache. This is taken from a record of about 1,000 baptisms from 1704 to 1862.

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List of names

The list below is based on Foster and McCollough (2001), Opler (1983b, 1983c, 2001), and de Reuse (1983).

The term Apache refers to six main groups that speak Apache: Chiricahua, Jicarilla, Centipede, Mescalero, Apache Plains, and Western Apache. Historically, the term is also used for Comanches, Mojaves, Hualapais, and Yavapais, none of which speak Apache.

Chiricahua

Chiricahua has historically lived in Southeastern Arizona. ChÃÆ'shÃÆ' (also Tchishi) is the word Navajo which means "Chiricahua, Apache south in general".

  • Ch'ÃÆ'ºÃÆ'ºk? anÃÆ' © n (also? ÃÆ'³k'ÃÆ'¡nÃÆ'  ©?,? 'ÃÆ'³Ã,  · k'anÃÆ'  © n, Chokonni, Cho-kon-nen, Cho K? n ??, Chokonen ) is an Eastern Chiricahua band identified by Morris Opler. His name is an autonym of the Chiricahua language.
  • GileÃÆ' Â ± o (also Apaches de Gila, Apache de Xila, Apache de la Sierra de Gila, Xileón, Gilenas, Gilans, Gilanians, Apila Apache, GilleÃÆ' Â ± os) referred to several Apache and non-Apache groups are different at different times. Crazy refers to the Gila River or the Gila Mountains. Some Crazy Apaches may then become known as Mogollon Apaches, a sub-band of Chiricahua, while others may unite into the proper Chiricahua. However, since the term is used indiscriminately for all Apachean groups west of the Rio Grande (ie in southeastern Arizona and western New Mexico), references in historical documents are often unclear. After 1722, Spanish documents began to distinguish between these distinct groups, in this case Apaches de Gila referring to the Western Apache that lived along the Gila River (identical to Coyotero ). The first American writer used the term to refer to Mimbres (another Chiricahua subdivision).
  • MimbreÃÆ' Â ± os is Tchihende, the name referred to the central Apache division deemed inappropriate as part of the " Eastern Chiricahua Opler band", and to Albert Schroeder < i> Mimbres and Warm Springs (see also Copper Mines ) "Chiricahua" band in southwest New Mexico.
  • MimbreÃÆ' Â ± os Copper Mining (also Coppermine) is located upstream of the Gila River, New Mexico, in the Pinos Altos area. (See also GileÃÆ' Â ± o and MimbreÃÆ' Â ± os.)
  • Warm Springs MimbreÃÆ' Â ± os (also Warmspring) is located upstream of the Gila River, New Mexico, in the Ojo Caliente area. (See also GileÃÆ' Â ± o and MimbreÃÆ' Â ± os .)
  • Mogollon is considered by Schroeder as a separate pre-reservation Chiricahua band, while Opler regards Mogollon as part of Eastern Chiricahua band in New Mexico.

Jicarilla

Jicarilla mainly lives in Northern New Mexico, Southern Colorado, and Texas Panhandle. The term jicarilla comes from the Spanish word for "small pumpkin."

  • Carlana (also Carlanes, Sierra Blanca) is Raton Mesa in Southeastern Colorado. In 1726, they joined Cuartelejo and Paloma, and in the 1730s, they lived with Jicarilla. The Llanero band from Jicarilla or DÃÆ'¡chizh-ÃÆ'³-zhn Jicarilla (defined by James Mooney) may be descended from Carlana, Cuartelejo, and Paloma. Part of the group is called Lipiyanes or Llaneros. In 1812, the term Carlana was used to mean Jicarilla. The Flechas de Palo may have been part or absorbed by Carlana (or Cuartelejo).

Centipede

Centipede (also Ypandis, Ypandes, Ipandes, Ipand, Lipanes, Lipanos, Lipaines, Lapane, Lipanis, etc.) live in Western Texas today. They traveled from the Pecos River in eastern New Mexico to the upper Colorado River, the San Saba River and the Llano River in central Texas across the Edwards Plateau to the southeast of the Gulf of Mexico. They are a close ally of NatagÃÆ'Â © s. They are also called Plains Centipede (Golgah ????, KÃÆ'³'l kukÃÆ'¤ '?, "Prairie Men"), not to be confused with LipiyÃÆ'¡nes or Le Panis i > (French for Pawnee). They were first mentioned on 1718 records as being near the newly established San Antonio, Texas city.

  • Pelones stay away from San Antonio and far to the northeast of Ypandes near the Red River in South Central-North Texas, although it can go to 800 soldiers field, more than Ypandes and NatagÃÆ' Â © s together, they are portrayed less like war because they have fewer horses than the Centipede Plains, their estimated population of between 1,600 and 2,400, is a division Forest Centipede ( Chish ???? h ???? , Tcici , Tcicihi - "People of the Forest ", after 1760, the name Pelones was never used by the Spaniards for the Texas Apache group, Pelones had fled south and southwest of Comanche, but never mixed with the Centipede Plains division - retaining their distinction, identity, so Morris Opler was told by his Lipan informant in 1935 that their tribal name was "People of the Forest")
  • Mescalero

    Mescaleros mainly lives in Eastern New Mexico.

    • Faraones (also Apache Faraone, Paraonez, Pharaones, Taraones, or Taracones) comes from Spanish FaraÃÆ'³n meaning "Pharaoh." Before 1700, the name was not clear. Between 1720 and 1726, it was called Apache between the Rio Grande, Pecos River, the area around Santa Fe, and the Conchos River. After 1726, Faraones only refers to the northern and central groups of this region. The Faraones love to be part of the modern Mescalero or join them. After 1814, the term Faraones disappeared and was replaced by Mescalero .
    • Sierra Blanca Mescaleros is a Mescalero group north of the Sierra Blanca Mountains, which roam in what is now eastern New Mexico and western Texas.
    • Sacramento Mescaleros is the northern Mescalero group from Sacramento and the Organ Mountains, which roam the place now east of New Mexico and western Texas.
    • Guadalupe Mescaleros . is a Mescalero group north of the Guadalupe Mountains, which roam the place now east of New Mexico and western Texas.
    • Limpia Mescaleros is a Mescalero group south of the Limpia Mountains (later referred to as the Davis Mountains) and explored in what is now east of New Mexico and western Texas.
    • NatagÃÆ'Â © s (also Natagees , Apaches del NatafÃÆ' Â © , NatagÃÆ'ªes , Natalies Natajes is a term used from 1726 to 1820 to refer to FaraÃÆ'³n, Sierra Blanca, and Siete RÃÆ'os Apaches in the section southeast of New Mexico. In 1745, NatagÃÆ'Â © reportedly consisted of Mescalero (around El Paso and Mountains Organ) and Salinero (around Rio Salado), but this was probably the same group, often called by the Spaniards and Apaches themselves. i> true Apache , had a major influence on the decision making of some Western Lipan bands in the 18th century. After 1749, the term became synonymous with Mescalero, who eventually replaced it.

    Plains Apache

    Apache Plains (Kiowa-Apache, Naisha, Na'ishandine) are headquartered in Southwest Oklahoma. Historically, they followed Kiowa. Other names for them include NÃÆ'¡ '?? sha, NÃÆ'¡ '? Sha, Na'isha, Na'ishandine, Na-i-shan-dina, Na-ishi, Na-e-ca, N? 'Ish ?? , Nadeicha, Nardichia, NadÃÆ'isha-dÃÆ' Â © na, Na'dÃÆ' '?? sh ?? ', N? DÃÆ' '?? sh ??, and Naisha.

    • Querechos was referred by Coronado in 1541, probably Plains Apaches, sometimes probably Navajo. Other early Spanish languages ​​might also call them Vaquereo or Llanero.

    Western Apache

    Western Apache includes Northern Tonto, Southern Tonto, Cibecue, White Mountain and San Carlos. While this subgroup speaks the same language and has family ties, Western Apaches considers themselves separate from each other, according to Goodwin. Other authors have used this term to refer to all non-Navajo Apachean people living in the western Rio Grande (thus failing to distinguish Chiricahua from other Apacheans). Goodwin Formulation: "all Apache people who have lived within Arizona's current border in historic times with the exception of Chiricahua, Warm Springs, and Apache allies, and a small group of Apache known as Apache Mansos, who live around Tucson."

    • Cibecue is the Western Apache group, according to Goodwin, from north Salt River between Tonto and White Mountain Apache, consisting of Ceder Creek, Carrizo, and Cibecue (exact) bands.
    • San Carlos . The Western Apache Group is closest to Tucson by Goodwin. This group consists of Apache Peaks, Arivaipa, Pinal, San Carlos (exact) bands.
      • Arivaipa (also Aravaipa) is a band from San Carlos Apache. Schroeder believes that Arivaipa is a separate person in the pre-ordering period. Arivaipa is a word derived from the language of O'odham. Arivaipa is known as TsÃÆ' z zhinÃÆ' Â © ("Black Rock") in Western Apache.
      • Pinal (also PinaleÃÆ' Â ± os ). One group of Western Apache group San Carlos, described by Goodwin. Also used in conjunction with Coyotero to refer more generally to one of the two major Apache West divisions. Some PinaleÃÆ'¡ o are referred to as Apache Crazy .
    • Tonto . Goodwin is divided into Northern Tonto and Southern Tonto groups, living in the northern and western regions of Western Apache groups according to Goodwin. It's north of Phoenix, north of the Verde River. Schroeder states that Tonto was originally a Yavapais who assimilated Western Apache culture. Tonto is one of the main dialects of Western Apache language. Tonto Apache speakers are traditionally bilingual in Apache West and Yavapai. Northern Tonto of Northern Northern consists of Bald Mountain, Fossil Creek, Mormon Lake, and Oak Creek bands; Southern Tonto consists of the Mazatzal band and the unknown "semi-band".
    • White Mountain is the easternmost group of Western Apache, according to Goodwin, which includes Eastern White Mountain and Apache White Mountain West.
      • Coyotero refers to Western pre-order Western White's group, but has also been used more widely to refer to Apache in general, Western Apache, or Apache Band in the Southern Colorado highlands to Kansas.

    Other terms

    • Llanero is Spanish borrowing which means "plain dweller". His name is called several different groups that hunt buffalo in the Great Plains. (See also Carlanas .)
    • LipiyÃÆ'¡nes (also LipiyÃÆ'¡n, Lipillanes). A coalition of splinter groups Nadahà ©  © ndà ©  © (Natagà © s), GuhlkahÃÆ' © ndÃÆ' ©, and Centuries 18th century under the leadership of Picax-Ande-Ins-Tinsle ("Strong Arm"), against Comanche on the Plains. This term is not to be confused with Centipede .

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    History

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    Apache and Navajo tribal groups in North American Southwest speak a related language of the Athabaskan language family. Other Athabaskan speakers in North America continue to be in Alaska, western Canada, and the Northwest Pacific Coast. Anthropological evidence suggests that Apache and Navajo residents lived in this same northern region before migrating to the Southwest between about 1200 and 1500.

    The Apache nomadic way of life complicates dating accurately, especially since they build less substantial dwellings than any other Southwestern group. Since the beginning of the 21st century, substantial progress has been made in dating and differentiating their dwellings and other forms of material culture. They left behind a set of tools and materials that were tougher than any other Southwest culture.

    Athabaskan-speaking groups may move to areas that are simultaneously occupied or recently abandoned by other cultures. Other Athabaskan speakers, probably including Southern Athabaskan, adapt many of their neighbors' technologies and practices in their own culture. Thus the sites where the early South Athabaskans may have been life were hard to find and even more difficult to be explicitly identified as those who are culturally Southern Athabaskan. Recent advances have been made in terms of the southern part of Southwest America.

    There are several hypotheses about Apache migration. Someone argues that they moved to Southwest from the Great Plains. At the beginning of the 16th century, these mobile groups live in tents, hunt for bison and other games, and use dogs to attract travoises loaded with their possessions. A large number of people and various kinds were recorded by the Spanish in the 16th century.

    In April 1541, while traveling on the eastern plains of the Pueblo region, Francisco Coronado referred to people as "dog nomads." He writes:

    After seventeen-day journey, I found the 'rancheria' of Indians following these cows (bison). These natives are called Querechos. They do not cultivate the land, but eat raw meat and drink the blood of the cows they kill. They are dressed in cowhide, with which everyone in the country is dressed, and they have well-made tents, made with tanned and oily cowhide, where they live and which they carry and follow cattle. They have dogs they load to carry their tents, poles, and luggage.

    The Spanish dog describes a very white Plains dog, with black spots, and "no bigger than water spaniel." The plain dog is slightly smaller than that used to carry cargo by the modern Inuit and the First Nations tribe in Canada. Recent experiments show these dogs may draw weights up to 50 lb (20 kg) in distant travel, at speeds as high as two or three miles per hour (3 to 5 km/h). The terrestrial migration theory connects the Apache community with the culture of the Dismal River, an archaeological culture known mainly to ceramics and the remains of the house, dated 1675-1725, which have been excavated in Nebraska, eastern Colorado, and western Kansas.

    Although the first documentary source mentions Apache, and historians have suggested some parts show the 16th century entries from the north, archaeological data show they were present in the plains long before the first contacts were reported.

    A competing theory suggests their migration to the south, through the Rocky Mountains, eventually reached Southwest America in the 14th century or perhaps earlier. A collection of archaeological material cultures identified in this mountain zone as an Apache ancestor has been referred to as the "Cerro Rojo complex". This theory does not preclude arrivals through terrain routes as well, possibly simultaneously, but to date the earliest evidence has been found in the Southwest mountains. The Plains Apache has a significant Southern Plains cultural influence.

    When the Spaniards arrived in the area, trade between the long-established Pueblo tribe and Southern Athabaskan was established. They reported Pueblo swapping corn and cotton woven goods for bull meat, and hiding and materials for stone tools. Coronado observed the inhabitants of the Lowlands near Pueblo in established camps. Then Spanish sovereignty over the region disrupted trade between Pueblo and the different Apache and Navajo groups. Apache quickly acquired horses, increasing their mobility for fast attacks on settlements. In addition, Pueblo was forced to work on Spanish mission ground and take care of the mission sheep flock; they have fewer surplus goods to trade with their neighbors.

    In 1540, Coronado reported that the modern Western Apache region was uninhabited, although some scholars argue that he does not see American Indians. Other Spanish explorers first mentioned "Querechos" who lived west of the Rio Grande in the 1580s. For some historians, this means Apaches moved to their southwestern homeland in the late 16th and early 17th centuries. Other historians note that Coronado reported that Pueblo women and children were often evacuated when his party attacked their residence, and that he saw several residences recently abandoned when he moved to the Rio Grande. This may indicate that the semi-nomadic Athabaskan South had earlier warnings about its hostile approach and avoided meeting with Spain. Archaeologists found much evidence of the existence of proto-Apache in the Southwestern mountain zone in the fifteenth century and perhaps earlier. The presence of Apache in both Plains and in the Southwest mountains suggests that people take some early migration routes.

    Conflicts with Mexico and the United States

    In general, newly arrived Spanish colonies, settled in villages, and Apache bands developed interaction patterns for several centuries. Both are raided and traded with each other. The period records seem to indicate that the relationship depends on the particular villages and particular groups involved with each other. For example, one band may be friends with one village and attack another. When the war takes place, Spain will send troops; after the battle, the two sides will "sign the agreement", and both parties will go home.

    Traditional and sometimes dangerous relations continued between the villages and bands with Mexican independence in 1821. In 1835 Mexico had placed a bounty on the Apache scalp (see scalping), but certain villages still traded with several bands. When Juan JosÃÆ'Â © CompÃÆ', leader of the Copper Mine MimbreÃÆ' Â ± o Apache, was murdered to earn money in 1837, Mangas Coloradas (Red Arm) or Dasoda-hae (He just sitting there) became the chief and leader of the war; also in 1837 Soldado Fiero (aka Fuerte), leader of Warm Springs MimbreÃÆ' Â ± o Apache, killed by Mexican soldiers near Janos, and his son Cuchillo Negro (Black Knife) became chief and leader of war. They (now the Mangas Coloradas, the first head and Cuchillo Negro, the second head of all the Tchihende or MimbreÃÆ' Â ± o people) carried out a series of retaliatory attacks against the Mexicans. In 1856, the horse-rich Durango authorities would claim that the Indian (mostly Comanche and Apache) attacks in their country had taken nearly 6,000 lives, kidnapped 748 people, and forced the abandonment of 358 settlements over the previous 20 years.

    When the United States fought against Mexico in 1846, many Apache bands promised that US troops pass through their lands safely. When the US claimed the former territory of Mexico in 1846, Mangas Coloradas signed a peace treaty with the state, honoring them as conquerors of Mexican land. Uncomfortable peace between Apache and new citizens in the United States was held until the 1850s. The entry of gold miners to the Santa Rita Mountains caused a conflict with Apache. This period is sometimes called Apache Wars.

    The reservation concept of the United States has not been used by Spaniards, Mexicans or other Apache neighbors before. Booking is often poorly managed, and bands without kinship are forced to live together. There is no fence to get people in or out. It was not unusual for a band to be given permission to leave for a short time. At other times a band will go unlicensed, to rush, return to their homeland to find food, or to just walk away. The military usually has a nearby castle. Their job is to keep the various bands on the reservation by finding and returning those who leave. The ordering policy of the United States resulted in conflicts and wars with various Apache bands that left the reservation for nearly a quarter of a century.

    The battle between the Apache and Euro-Americans has led to a stereotypical focus on certain aspects of the Apache culture. These are often distorted by their cultural misunderstandings, as noted by anthropologist Keith Basso:

    Of the hundreds who live and thrive in North American natives, few are consistently misunderstood as Apache of Arizona and New Mexico. Glorified by novelists, perceived by historians, and distorted beyond belief by commercial filmmakers, the popular image of 'Apache' - the brutal and frightening semi-human swelling of nasty death and destruction - is almost entirely a result of irresponsible caricatures and exaggerate. Indeed, there is little doubt that Apache has changed from an indigenous American to American legend, the strange and misleading creation of a non-Indian citizen whose inability to recognize the massive betrayal of ethnic and cultural stereotypes can only be matched by his willingness to defend and inflame it.

    Forced removal

    In 1875, the United States military forced the estimated displacement of 1500 Yavapai and Dilzhe'e Apache (better known as Tonto Apache ) of the Rio Verde Indian Reserve and several thousand land pledges promised to them. by the United States government. By order of the Indian Commissioner, L.E. Dudley, the US Army troop made people, young and old, walking through a river that flooded the winter, through mountains and narrow paths of the gorge to get to the Indian Agency in San Carlos, 180 miles (290 km) away. The journey caused the loss of several hundred souls. People were held there for fifty years while white settlers took over their land. Only a few hundred have ever returned to their land.

    Defeat

    Much of the history of the United States in this era reports that the last defeat of an Apache band occurred when 5,000 US troops forced Geronimo's group of 30 to 50 men, women and children to surrender on September 4, 1886, at Skeleton Canyon, Arizona. The Army sent the band and Chiricahua scouts who had tracked them to a military cage in Florida at Fort Pickens and, later, Ft. Sill, Oklahoma.

    Many books were written on hunting and trapping stories during the late 19th century. Many of these stories involve Apache raids and treaty failures with Americans and Mexicans. In the post-war era, the US government arranged for the Apache children to be taken from their families to be adopted by white Americans in an assimilation program. It's similar in nature to that involving the Stolen Generation of Australia.

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    Previous booking culture

    Social organization

    All Apache residents live in large family units (or family groups ); they usually live close together, with each nuclear family in a separate residence. Large families generally consist of husbands and wives, their unmarried children, married daughters, husbands of their married daughters, and their married daughters. Thus, the extended family is connected through the line of women living together (ie, matrilocal residence), where men can enter marriage (leaving the family of their parents).

    When a daughter marries, a new residence is built nearby for her and her husband. Among the Navajo, the right to stay basically comes from the mother's head. Although West Apache usually performs matrilocal settlements, sometimes the eldest son chooses to bring his wife to live with his parents after marriage. All tribes practice marriage and excommunicate.

    The Apaches practiced various degrees of "evasion" from his wife's close relatives, a practice that is often the most stringent observed by the distance between mother-in-law and son-in-law. The avoidance rate differs in different Apache groups. The most complicated system is between Chiricahua, where men have to use indirect speech indirectly in the direction and are not allowed to be in the visual view of the wife's relatives, which she must avoid. Chiricahua's female relatives through marriage also avoided her.

    Some large families work together as "local groups", which perform certain ceremonies, and economic and military activities. Political control is largely present at the local group level. Local groups are led by a head, a man who has great influence over others in the group because of his effectiveness and reputation. The head is the closest social role to a leader in the Apache culture. The office was not hereditary, and the position was often filled by different members of the extended family. Leadership of the head is just as strong as he or she is evaluated to be - no member of the group has ever been obliged to follow the head. The Western Apache's criteria for evaluating a good leader include: perseverance, generosity, impartiality, patience, thoroughness, and fluency in the language.

    Many Apache communities join together local groups into "bands". The strongest band organization between Chiricahua and Western Apache, while between Centipede and Mescalero, is weak. Navajo does not organize local groups into bands, probably due to the economic requirements of sheep grazing. However, Navajo does have "clothing," a larger group of relatives of large families, but not as large as local community groups or bands.

    On a larger level, Apache West organized bands into what Grenville Goodwin calls "the group". He reported five groups for the Western Apache: Northern Tonto, Southern Tonto, Cibecue, San Carlos, and White Mountain. The Jicarilla group their bands into "moieties", probably influenced by the Pueblo example in the northeast. Apache West and Navajo also have a matrilineal "clan" system that is further organized into phratries (probably influenced by western Pueblo).

    The idea of ​​"tribe" in the Apache culture is very weakly developed; basically it's just an admission "that people owe a bit of hospitality to people from the same speeches, clothing, and customs." The Apache tribes have political independence from each other and even fight each other. For example, the Lipans once fought against Mescalero.

    The kinship system

    The Apache tribe has two different kinship terminology systems: type Chiricahua and type Jicarilla. Chiricahua type systems are used by Chiricahua, Mescalero, and Apache West. The Western Apache system is slightly different from the other two systems, and has some similarities to the Navajo system.

    The Jicarilla type, which is similar to the Dakota-Iroquois kinship system, is used by Jicarilla, Navajo, Centipede, and Apache Plains. The Navajo system is more different from the four, similar to the Chiricahua type system. Apache Centipede and Plains systems are very similar.

    Chiricahua

    The Chiricahua language has four different words for grandfather: -chÃÆ'º "maternal grandmother", -tsÃÆ'ºyÃÆ' Â © "maternal grandfather", -ch'inÃÆ' Â © "paternal grandmother", -nÃÆ'¡lÃÆ' Â © "paternal grandfather". In addition, the grandparents' brothers are identified with the same word; so, one's maternal grandmother, mother's maternal sister, and mother's maternal grandmother are all called -chÃÆ'º . Furthermore, the term grandparents is reciprocal, that is, grandparents will use the same term to refer to their grandchildren in the relationship. For example, the maternal grandmother would be called -chÃÆ'º and the maternal grandmother would also call that person -chÃÆ'º too (ie -chÃÆ'º can mean child of your own daughter or your brother's daughter.)

    Chiricahua's cousin is not distinguished from siblings through the term kinship. Thus, the same word would refer to a brother or cousin (no separate terms for cousins ​​of parallel and cross cousins). In addition, the terminology used in accordance with the gender of the speaker (unlike the English term brother and sister ): -cis "is the same - sex brother or same-sex cousin ", -Ã,Â'-l? h "same-sex brothers or cousins ​​of the opposite sex". This means that if a man is a male, then a brother is called -kis and his sister is called -Ã,Â'-l? H . If one of them is female, then the brother is called -Ã,Â'-l? H and his sister is called -kis . Chiricahuas in relation -Ã,Â'-l? H observes great restraint and respect for the relative; cousins ​​(but not siblings) in a relationship -i? a-l? h may practice total avoidance .

    Two different words are used for each parent based on gender: -mÃÆ'¡ÃÆ'¡ ' "mother", -taa "father". Likewise, there are two words for an older child by gender: -yÃÆ'¡ch'e ' "girl," -ghe' "child".

    An elder sibling is classified together regardless of gender: -ghÃÆ'ºyÃÆ'Â © "aunt or uncle from the mother (brother or sister)", -deedÃÆ'Â © ÃÆ' Â © ' "aunt of the father or uncle (father or female father)". These two terms are reciprocal as grandparents. As such, -ghÃÆ'ºyÃÆ' Â © also refers to the son or daughter of one of his siblings (ie, someone will call their maternal aunts -ghÃÆ'ºyÃÆ' Â © and the aunt will summon them -ghÃÆ'ºyÃÆ' Â © in return).

    Jicarilla

    Unlike the Chiricahua system, Jicarilla only has two terms for grandparents by sex: -chÃÆ'³ÃÆ'³ "grandmother", -tsÃÆ'³yÃÆ'  © ÃÆ'  © "grandpa". They do not have separate provisions for maternal or paternal grandparents. The term is also used for the grandfather's brother by sex. Thus, -chÃÆ'³ÃÆ'³ refers to one's grandmother or grandparent (either mother or father); -tsÃÆ'³yÃÆ'  © ÃÆ'  © refers to one's grandparents or grandparents. These terms are not reciprocal. There is one word for grandchildren (regardless of gender): -tsÃÆ'³yÃÆ'? ÃÆ'? .

    There are two terms for each parent. These terms also refer to the same parents as the parent: - 'nÃÆ'Ær "mother or auntie from the mother (mother's sister)", -ka'ÃÆ' Â © ÃÆ' © © "father or uncle from a father (dad's brother)". In addition, there are two terms for siblings of a fellow parent depending on the gender: -da'ÃÆ'¡? ÃÆ'¡? "uncle mother (mother's brother)", -bÃÆ'Â © jÃÆ'Â © ÃÆ'Â © "aunt of the father (father's sister).

    Two terms are used for same-sex siblings. These terms are also used for parallel cousins: -k'isÃÆ'Â © "same-sex sibling or same-sex cousin (i.e. brother's brother from brother- same man or sister's mother) ", the opposite sex or opposing cousin (eg brother of a father or sister's brother) brother-in-law) ". Both terms can also be used for cross-cousins. There are also three terms relative based on age relative to the speaker: -ndádÃÆ'Â © ÃÆ'Â © ÃÆ'Â © "older sister", -Ã,Â'-na'ÃÆ'¡? ÃÆ'¡? "older brother", -shdÃÆ'¡? zha "younger brother (ie brother or younger brother)". In addition, there are separate words for a cousin: -peri "cross-cousins ​​(both of the same type or opposite of the speaker)", -i? Naa'aash "male male cousin" (used only by male speakers).

    Parents are classified as fellow cousins ​​of the same type or cousin: -zhÃÆ'¡che'e "daughter, same-sex sister, same-sex cousin daughter", < i> "son, kindred son, kindred cousin son". There are different words for the child of the opposite sex: -da'ÃÆ'¡? ÃÆ'¡? "child of brother-friend", -da ' "opposite of uncle's kind".

    Housing

    Everyone in the Apache tribe lives in one of three types of houses. The first is teepee, for those who live in the plains. Another type of house is a wickiup, an 8ft (2.4m) wooden frame held together with yucca fibers and coated brushes usually in Apache groups in the highlands. If a family member lives on a mound and they die, the lump will be burned. The last housing is a hogan, a soil structure in a desert area that is good for keeping cool in the hot weather of northern Mexico.

    Below is a description of Chiricahua's wickiups recorded by anthropologist Morris Opler:

    "The family dwellings are made by women and are usually circular, dome-shaped domes dwelling, with floors on the ground, seven feet in the center and about eight feet in diameter, to build them, a long oak or willow is moved to the ground or placed in a hole made with a digging stick, these poles, which form a framework, are arranged at one foot intervals and tied together on top with a yucca leaf blade.On top of them, a bundle of bundles large bluestem grass or tied bear grass, shingle style, with yucca strings An open smoke hole above the central fireplace Hidden, suspended at the entrance, embedded in a cross-beam so that it can be swung forward or back. whichever direction.For waterproofing, the hide pieces are thrown over the outside hatch, and in rainy weather, if no fire is required, even a sap hole closed In warm and dry weather, most of the outside roof is removed. It takes about three days to establish a sturdy residence of this type. These houses are 'warm and cozy, even though there is great snow.' The interior is lined with brushes and grass beds where the robes are spread...
    "The woman not only makes furniture but is responsible for the construction, maintenance and repair of the dwelling itself and for the arrangement of everything in it, she provides grass and brush beds and replaces them when they become too old and dry.... However, before 'they did not have a permanent home, so they did not bother cleaning.' A dome-shaped or wickiup residence, the usual type of house for all Chiricahua bands, has been described.... Said an informant Central Chiricahua.
    Both the teepee and the oval shaped house were used when I was a kid. The oval shack was covered with hide and was the best house. Better do this kind of thing. The tepee type is made of brush only. It has a place to fire in the middle. It's just been thrown together. Both types are common even before my time....
    "The shapes of houses that depart from the more common dome forms are recorded for South Chiricahua as well:
    ... When we settled, we used a blob; when we move a lot, we use this other type... "

    Recent research has documented the archaeological archaeological Chiricahua Apache wickiups as found in protohistoric and on historical sites, such as Canon de los Embudos where CS Fly photographed Geronimo, his men, and residence during the surrender negotiations in 1886, demonstrating their nature which is not bothersome and improvisational. "

    Food

    Apache people get food from four main sources:

    • hunting wild animals,
    • collecting wild plants,
    • grow a tamed plant
    • trading with or robbing neighboring tribes for livestock and agricultural products.

    Certain types of food eaten by the group depend on their environment.

    Hunting

    Hunting is done primarily by men, although sometimes there are exceptions depending on animals and culture (eg Lipan women can help in rabbit hunting and Chiricahua children are also allowed to hunt rabbits).

    Hunting often has complicated preparations, such as fasting and religious rituals performed by herbalists before and after the hunt. In the Centipede culture, as the deer are protected by the Spirit of the Mountain, great attention is taken in the Spirit Spirit ritual to ensure the smooth hunting of the deer. Also animal slaughter should be done following certain religious guidelines (many recorded in religious stories) from prescribing how to cut animals, what prayers to read, and proper bone disposal. A common practice among Southern Athabascan hunters is the distribution of slaughtered games. For example, among Mescalero, a hunter is expected to share as many as half of his murders with fellow hunters and with those in need of returning to camp. Individual feelings about this practice speak of social obligations and spontaneous generosity.

    The most common hunting weapons before the introduction of European weapons were bows and arrows. Various hunting strategies are used. Some of the techniques involved using animal head masks are imposed as a disguise. Whistles are sometimes used to lure animals closer. Another technique is the relay method in which hunters positioned at various points will chase prey in turn to tire the animals. A similar method also involves chasing prey down a steep cliff.

    Eating certain animals is taboo. Although different cultures have different taboos, some common examples of taboos include bears, peccaries, turkeys, fish, snakes, insects, owls, and coyotes. An example of a taboo difference: black bears are part of the Centipede diet (though not as common as buffalo, deer, or antelope), but Jicarilla never eats bears because they are considered bad animals. Some taboos are regional phenomena, such as eating fish, which are taboo throughout the southwest (eg in certain Pueblo cultures such as Hopi and Zuni) and are considered like snakes (bad animals) in physical appearance.

    Apache West hunts deer and pronghorns mostly in the ideal late autumn. After meat is sucked into beef jerky around November, migrating from agricultural sites along the river banks in the mountains to winter camps in Salt, Black, Gila rivers and even the Colorado River basin.

    Chiricahua's main game is a deer followed by pronghorn. Lower games include: cottontail rabbit (but not jack rabbit), opossum, squirrel, surplus horse, surplus donkey, wapiti (deer), wild cow, wood rat.

    The Mescalero is mainly hunted deer. Other animals hunted include: bighorn sheep, buffalo (for those living close to the plains), cottontail rabbits, deer, horses, mules, opossums, pronghorns, wild cows and wooden mice. Beavers, stoats, muskrats, and civets are also hunted for their skin and body parts but not eaten.

    The main mine animals of Jicarilla are bighorn sheep, buffalo, deer, deer and pronghorn. Other game animals include beavers, bighorn sheep, rabbit heads, squirrels, doves, land pigs, grouse, birds of parrots, porcupines, prairie dogs, quails, rabbits, skunks, snow birds, squirrels, turkeys and forest rats. Burros and horses are only eaten in an emergency. Stoats, weasels, wild cats and wolves are not eaten but hunted for parts of their bodies.

    The main meal of the Centipede is a buffalo with hunting for three weeks during the fall and small-scale hunting continues until spring. The second most widely used animal is the deer. Fresh deer blood is taken for good health. Other animals include beavers, bighorn, black bears, burros, ducks, deer, fish, horses, mountain lions, mourning doves, donkeys, prairie dogs, pronghorns, quails, rabbits, squirrels, turkeys, turtles and mice wood. Skunk eaten only in an emergency.

    Apache hunters are pursuing mainly buffaloes and deer. Other feral animals are badgers, bears, beavers, birds, geese, opossums, beavers, rabbits and tortoises.

    Dress

    Influenced by Indian Plains, Western Apaches wears animal hide adorned with seed beads for clothing. The design of these beads is historically similar to the Great Basin Paiute and is characterized by a linear pattern. Apache beaded clothing is limited by narrow beads of narrow beads with diagonal lines of alternating colors. They make leather shirts, poncho, skirts and mokasin and decorate them with colorful beads.

    Uncoordinated plants and other food sources

    The collection of plants and other foods is mainly done by women. However, in certain activities, such as agave crown collection is heavy, men are helpful, although men's work is usually to hunt animals such as deer, buffalo, and small game. Many plants are used for treatment and religious ceremonies other than the use of their nutrients. Other crops are used only for their religious or medicinal value.

    In May, Apache West grilled and dried the agave crown pounded into pulp and formed into a rectangular cake. In late June and early July, saguaro fruit, prawns, and chollas were collected. In July and August, mesquite beans, Spanish bayonet fruit, and Emory tree seedlings are collected. At the end of September, the meeting was stopped when attention turned to crop harvest cultivation. In late fall, juniper and pinyon nuts are collected.

    The most important vegetable foods used by Chiricahua are the plants of the Century (also known as mescal or agave). The crown (the tuberous bottom) of this plant (which is baked in a large underground oven and dried by the sun) and also the buds are used. Other crops used by Chiricahua include: agarita (or algerita) berry, alligator juniper berries, anglepod seeds, banana yucca (or datil, broadleaf yucca) fruit, chili, chokecherries, cota (used for tea), currants, grass grass seed grass , Oak gambel gambas, Gambel oak bark (used for tea), grass seed (various varieties), green vegetables (of various varieties), hawthorne fruit, twin sheep leaves, lips spikes (used for tea), live oak seeds, grasshopper blossoms, locust pods, maize kernels (used for tiswins), and mesquite nuts.

    Also eaten are mulberries, narrow leafy yucca flowers, narrow yucca sticks, cactus nipples, juniper berries, onions, pigweed seeds, pinyon beans, pitahaya fruit, prickly pear, prickly pear juice, raspberry fruit, screwbean (or tornillo ), saguaro fruit, spurge seeds, strawberries, sumac (Rush trilobata) berries, sunflower seeds, tulle rootstock, tulle shoots, tawleweed pigweed seeds, unicorn seeds, walnuts , western pine bark (used as a sweetener), western pine nuts, whitestar potatoes ( Ipomoea lacunosa ), wild grapes, wild potatoes ( Solanum jamesii ), wooden leaves reddish brown, and yucca buds (unidentified species)). Other items include: honey from nests and nests found in agave plants, sotol, and narrowleaf yucca.

    The abundant agave (mescal) is also important for Mescalero, who collects the crown at the end of spring after a reddish flower stem appears. Smaller bottle crowns are also important. Both crowns of both plants are roasted and dried. Other plants include: oak seeds, agarita berries, amole stalks (roasted and peeled), aspen bark (used as sweetener), grass bear (grilled and peeled), old stem bark (used as sweetener), banana yucca, yucca banana flowers, old sap boxes (used as sweeteners), cactus fruit (various varieties), cattail rootstock, chokecherries, currant, grass grass seeds (used for flatbread), elderberry, gooseberry (Ribes leptanthum and R. pinetorum ), wine, hacker, hawthorne fruit, and hop (used as a spice).

    They also use horsemint (used as a spice), juniper berry, sheep's leaf, grasshopper, locus pod, mesquite pouch, mint (used as spices), mulberry, pennyroyal (used as spices), pigweed seeds (used for flatbread) leather wood pine (used as a sweetener), pinyon pine nuts, prickly pear (lubricated and roasted), purslane, raspberry, sage (used as spice), screw nuts, tuber straws, sheepdest wallets, strawberries, sunflower seeds, tumbleweed (used for flatbread), vetch pod, walnuts, western pine nuts, western pine nuts, white night primrose, wild celery (used as spices), wild onions (used as spices), wild bean pods, wild potatoes, and reddish brown leaf.

    Jicarilla uses oak seeds, chokecherries, juniper berries, mesquite beans, pinyon beans, prickly pear, and yucca fruit, as well as various other types of fruits, grains, green beans, and seeds.

    The most important vegetable food used by Centipede is agave (mescal). Another important factory is a bottle. Other plants used by Centipede include: agarita, blackberry, cattails, claw devil, elderberry, gooseberry, hackberries, hawthorn, juniper, lamb's-quarter, grasshoppers, mesquite, mulberries, oak, palmetto, pecan, pinyon, prickly pear, raspberry, Nuts, grass seeds, strawberries, sumac, sunflower, Texas persimmons, walnuts, western pine, wild cherries, wild grapes, wild onions, wild plums, wild potatoes, wild roses, yucca flowers, and yucca fruits. Other items include: salt obtained from caves and honey.

    Plants used by Apache Plains include: chokecherries, blackberries, grapes, turnip greens, wild onions, and wild plums. Many other fruits, vegetables, and tuberous roots are also used.

    Crop cultivation

    The Navajo practiced the cultivation of most plants, Apache West, Jicarilla, and Lipan less. One band Chiricahua (Opler's) and Mescalero practiced very little cultivation. The other two Chiricahua bands and Apache Plains do not plant any crops.

    Trade, assault, and war

    Some exchanges between Apache and European explorers and settlers-descending are based on trade. Apache found they could use European and American goods.

    Although the following activities are not distinguished by Europeans or European-Americans, the Apache tribes make a clear distinction between robbing and war. Robbery is done with small parties with specific economic targets. Apache waged war with large parties (often clan members), usually to achieve retribution.

    Although robbing has become a traditional way of life for Apache, Mexican settlers object to their stolen shares. As tensions between Apache and settlers increased, the Mexican government passed a law offering cash prizes for Apache's scalp.

    Religion

    The Apache religious tales relate to two cultural heroes (one of the Sun/Flames: "Murderer-Enemy/Monster Killer", and one of Water/Month/thunder: "Child-Of-Water/Born To Water") destroying some creatures that are harmful to mankind.

    Another story is a hidden ball game, where good and evil animals decide whether the world should be forever dark. Coyote, the deceiver, is an important creature who often has inappropriate behavior (such as marrying his own daughter, etc.) where he overturns social conventions. The Navajo, Western Apache, Jicarilla, and Centipede have the Emergence or Creation Story, while this is lacking in Chiricahua and Mescalero.

    Most of the "gods" of Southern Athabascan are the personified forces of nature that travel through the universe. They can be used for human purposes through ritual ceremonies. Here is a formulation by anthropologist Keith Basso of the Western Apache concept of diyÃÆ' ':

    The term "diyÆ'" refers to one or all of a set of abstract and invisible powers that are said to belong to certain classes of animals, plants, minerals, meteorological phenomena, and mythological figures in the Western Apache. Any of the various forces can be obtained by humans and, if handled correctly, is used for various purposes.

    The medical people study the ceremonies, which can also be obtained by direct revelation to the individual. Different Apache cultures have different views on ceremonial practice. Most Chiricahua and Mescalero ceremonies are studied through the transmission of personal religious visions, while Jicarilla and Western Apache use standard rituals as a more central ceremonial practice. Important standard ceremonies include the young girls' marching ceremony, the Navajo song, the Jicarilla "long life" rituals, and the Apache Plains "sacred bundles" ceremony.

    Certain animals - owls, snakes, bears, and coyotes - are considered spiritually wicked and vulnerable to disease for humans..

    Many Apache ceremonies use a veiled representation of religious spirits. Sandpainting is an important ceremony in the traditions of Navajo, Western Apache, and Jicarilla, where healers create the sacred temporary art of colored sand. Anthropologists believe the use of masks and sandpainting is an example of cultural diffusion from the neighboring Pueblo culture.

    The Apaches participate in many religious dances, including rain dancing, dancing for harvest and harvest, and spirit dancing. This dance is mostly to influence the weather and enrich their food sources.

    TVS Apache RR 310 Walkaround | OVERDRIVE - YouTube
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    Language

    The five Apache languages ​​are Apachean, which in turn belongs to the Athabaskan branch of the Eyak-Athabaskan language family. All Apache languages ​​are threatened. Centipedes are reported to have become extinct.

    The Southern Athabascan branch is defined by Harry Hoijer primarily based on the incorporation of the parent-based consonants of the Proto-Athabascan series. * k? and * c to * c (other than broad merge *? and < i> * ?? to *? is also found in many northern Athabascan languages).

    Hoijer (1938) divides the Apache sub-families into eastern branches of Jicarilla, Lipan, and Apache Plains and Western branches comprising Navajo, Apache West (San Carlos), Chiricahua, and Mescalero based on the incorporation of Proto-Apachean * t and * k to k in the Eastern branch. Thus, as can be seen in the example below, when the Western language has a noun or verb begins with t , the corresponding form in the Eastern language will begin with k :

    He then revised his proposal in 1971 when he discovered that the Apache Plains did not participate in the * k?/* C merger to consider the Apache Plains as a language equidistant from other languages, now called Southwestern Apachean. Thus, some of the bars originally started with * k? in Proto-Athabascan start with ch in Apache Plains while other languages ​​begin with ts .

    Morris Opler (1975) states that Hoijer's original formulation that Jicarilla and Lipan in the Eastern branch are more in line with the cultural similarity between the two and the differences from other Western Apachean groups. Other linguists, notably Michael Krauss (1973), have noted that classification based only on the initial consonant of nouns and verb stems is arbitrary and when other voice correspondence is considered the relationship between languages ​​appears more complex.

    Apache language is the tonal language. Regarding tonal developments, all Apache languages ​​are low-marked languages ​​, which means that the bar with the syllable queen "limited" in the proto language develops a low tone while all other rimes develop a high tone. Other Northern Athabascan languages ​​are high-marked languages ​​where tonal development is the opposite. In the example below, if Navajo and Chiricahua are low marked low tones, North Athabascan is marked high, Slavey and Chi

    Source of the article : Wikipedia

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